On the morning of Oct. 2, Colombian citizens were supposed to unanimously approve a peace agreement. It was all but guaranteed.
That morning bore no indication that the referendum, which will end 50 years of conflict between the government and the rebels, would be rejected by a razor-thin margin.
There is no official figure on how many students, faculty or alumni at UH are Colombian, but such a divisive topic was not lost on those that are here and who have been personally affected.
“All Colombians want peace and to move on from the last 50 years,” said corporate communications junior Jim Jimenez.
Bloody trail
In 1964, 50 farmers took up arms to rebel against the socioeconomic inequalities that the upper class has systematically put in place. The small rebellion gained traction and grew to become several different communist offshoots that includes the M19, National Liberation Army (ELN) and the largest — the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC.
Jimenez’s family is from Valledupar, the capital of the Cesar Department, one of the most heavily-affected areas in the country. Like the slim majority of Colombians who voted “no,” Jimenez couldn’t reconcile what the guerrilla group will receive through the peace the agreement was meant to bring.
“I didn’t like what they were trying to do with the government,” Jimenez said. “Little by little this could have led the country to communism. Look at Venezuela, look at Cuba.”
The peace agreement has been marred by controversy. Some believe it is too lenient with its allowances to the FARC such as the ability to become a political party and its members having guaranteed seats in Congress.
For much of its history, the FARC was supported by ransom money from high-profile kidnappings. Both wealthy Colombians’ and foreigners’ families were extorted and many were ultimately killed. The FARC terrorized rural villages to capture territory and gain power.
Before Oct. 2, many people thought the “yes” vote would prevail. Biology sophomore Malcolm Bravo was one of them.
He woke up Sunday jubilant and prepared to enter the new era of peace.
“I was really surprised, I was definitely for it,” Bravo said. “That’s an insane amount of time to be at war — too many people have died.”
‘A political thing’
Bravo’s immediate family has lived in the U.S. for many years, but they are originally from Colombia’s main port city of Buenaventura.
The city’s prosperity never reaches some of the lowest rungs of the social ladder, and the poverty level is one of the highest in the country. The FARC and smaller factions have long recruited the disillusioned youths that see no way out of the slums but drugs and crime.
“That’s where they have their hideouts,” Bravo said. “There’s so much rural land that it’s not difficult for them to find and recruit.”
A lesser-known provision was directed toward rural areas such as providing roads for underprivileged children to go to school. While the richer areas of the country mostly voted “no,” the poor areas voted “yes.”
“Who’s really dying?” Bravo said. “The poor people. The people who were affected wanted this to happen.”
The death toll has been the main argument for the “yes” campaign, which was led by President Juan Manuel Santos who advocated for peace at any cost. Santos’ unpopularity among many Colombians negatively affected the popularity of the peace agreement.
Senator Álvaro Uribe, the country’s former president, is the de facto leader of the “no” camp. Since the referendum, he has advocated gathering all forces — including the “yes” campaign he prevailed against — to draft another version of the agreement that will please the public.
“I think the whole ‘no’ campaign is just a political thing,” Bravo said. “He’s just trying to hold on to power.”
Proof of progress
The voter turnout was alarmingly small for such a polarizing election, with only about 37 percent participation. Assistant professor of political science Francisco Cantu cited a combination of bad luck and apathy.
“Usually when you have elections, parties mobilize people,” Cantu said. “There was very low mobilization by political groups and it seemed like political activists were not that committed. They didn’t have any incentives.”
The peace deal’s collapse, however, did not stop the Nobel Peace Prize committee from awarding Santos “for his resolute efforts” in the four-plus years since negotiations began with FARC leader, Rodrigo Londoño.
Even with the award’s influence, it had been stated that there was no “plan B” if the agreement failed to pass.
Four previous presidents, including Uribe, tried and failed to reach an agreement with the FARC. The constant state of the low-intensity war has touched most of the population.
While the fifth president also failed, Santos got farther than any of his predecessors.
As of press time, no official announcements on next steps have been made. No one, much less the people, know where to go from here.
“Enough is enough,” Bravo said. “Why more deaths? We can end this now.”